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Fig. 2.30. "Ancient" Egyptian picture of the Christian Judgement Day as described in the Biblical Apocalypse. Jesus Christ is judging people; in front of him we see a scribe with a scroll, and somewhat further on is Anubis, weighing the deeds of the people on a scale. This bas-relief, distinctively Christian, is kept in the Egyptian Thebes, Memnonium. Taken from [ 1100], A., Volume II, pi. 36.

Fig. 2.31. A similar Christian Judgement Day scene from an "ancient" Egyptian papyrus. Jesus Christ is judging people, with Anubis weighing their deeds. It is evident that such drawings could only have appeared after the description of the Apocalypse, not in the dateless antiquity that they are nowadays supposed to date from. Taken from [ 1100], A., Volume II, pi. 67.

Fig. 2.31. A similar Christian Judgement Day scene from an "ancient" Egyptian papyrus. Jesus Christ is judging people, with Anubis weighing their deeds. It is evident that such drawings could only have appeared after the description of the Apocalypse, not in the dateless antiquity that they are nowadays supposed to date from. Taken from [ 1100], A., Volume II, pi. 67.

The demotic inscriptions are close to the figures of some zodiacal constellations and make direct references to the planets they contain.

The situation is extremely advantageous. Indeed, all the necessary astronomical information is given clearly and accurately by the creators of this remarkable "ancient" Egyptian sepulchre.

All the researchers of the horoscope were hypnotized by the alleged antiquity of the demotic scripture (first discovered by Ackerblade 20 years prior to Champollion deciphering hieroglyph writing), and dated the artefact to the historical epoch pertinent to the Scaligerian chronology of Egypt. What ensued was a series of attempts made by astronomers to identify the horoscope with the very historical epoch that concurs with the Scaligerian version of the Egyptian chron ology. This, however, failed to yield any results, since, as was the case with the Dendera Zodiacs, the ancient sky, from deep antiquity and until the first centuries of the new era, had never been positioned the way the lid of the sarcophagus depicts it.

The astronomer M. A. Viliev went a little further on along the time axis than the other astronomers. However, he didn't go beyond the first couple of centuries of the new era. It is interesting that despite N. A. Mo-rozov's numerous suggestions, M. A. Viliev refused to carry on with the research so that it would include the Middle Ages as well, since this would blatantly contradict the Scaligerian chronology, which Viliev did not doubt in the least ([544], Volume 6). N. A. Morozov proceeded with the calculations and went forwards in time ([544],Volume 6,pages 694-728). N. A. Morozov

Fig. 2.32. A close-up of the picture of the planet Venus on an old French miniature. The complete title of this astronomical miniature was "Zodiac and the Planets," and it can be seen in its entirety on one of the preceding illustrations. We see Venus depicted as a woman in motion, with the inscription above her head saying "Venus." Taken from [1046], ill. 80.

discovered the following astronomical solution, basing his calculations on his own partial deciphering of the Zodiac found by Brugsch: 17 November 1682. The final 2001 solution of A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosov-skiy will be formulated below.

In 1901 the eminent Egyptologist W. M. Flinders Petrie found an artificial cave in Upper Egypt, near Sohag, that had been used as an "ancient" Egyptian sepulchre. Its walls were covered by ancient artwork and graffiti, and there were two colour horoscopes on the ceiling (see Athribi by W. M. Flinders Petrie in Volume 14 of the British School of Archaeology in Egypt Research Account, 1902. Details in Chron3, Part 2.)

In 1919, academician B. A. Turayev suggested to N. A. Morozov performing an astronomical dating of the horoscopes. Their preliminary analysis and deciphering were performed by E. B. Knobel in Britain ([1224)), who also gave preliminary datings to the horoscopes. The dates he obtained were as follows: 20 May 52 a.d. and 20 January 59 a.d.

However, E. B. Knobel remarked that he found the position of Mercury in the second horoscope quite dubious. In other words, the solution he offered only satisfied the conditions if one was to close one's eyes at some inconsistencies. As for the first horoscope -he put forth the hypothesis that the planetary positions had been calculated by the astronomer who had painted it, and had not actually been observed. The planets were far away from the positions indicated on the horoscope on 20 January 59 a.d. ([1224)). Apart from Mercury, E. B. Knobel had his doubts about the position of Venus in the first horoscope.

This led E. B. Knobel to try out a few other "ancient" versions pertinent to the epoch where the Scaligerian Egyptologists had a priori placed them, guided by the style of burial. However, all attempts by Knobel to find a better astronomical solution yielded no result whatsoever. All the other options that he researched proved to satisfy the given conditions even less.

Furthermore, when M. A. Viliev verified Knobel's calculations, it turned out that Knobel had also been somewhat imprecise with Mars and Saturn as well. This made both of Knobel's dates (52 a.d. and 59 a.d.) highly questionable.

Then M. A. Viliev performed another series of calculations, and offered his own solution of 186 b.c. and 179 b.c. However, it turned out that the subconscious (or conscious) desire of M. A. Viliev to make the solution fit into the historical interval a priori defined by the Scaligerian chronology of "ancient" Egypt, led him to make unjustified allowances. In [544], Volume 6, pages 733-736, all of Viliev's calculations are cited, with all of their errors and deviations pointed out as a good example of what a desire to save the Scaligerian chronology by all means might lead to.

Then M. A. Viliev put forth a hypothesis that the couple 349 and 355 a.d. would provide a better fit. However, numerous verifications proved this pair to be even worse than the first solution. Another similar attempt also led to a complete fiasco.

N. A. Morozov carried on with the research. However, he also failed to find a precise astronomical solution. This started to look most peculiar indeed. The character of the painted horoscopes clearly indicated that the ancient painter was fully aware of what he was painting, and not just making it up as he went along.

Then N. A. Morozov began to suspect that the horoscope had been deciphered incorrectly. He analyzed the horoscope and suggested another interpretation, a more logical one in his opinion. It was partial as well; however, the astronomical solution for the problem presented itself as 6 May 1049 for the upper horoscope and 9 February 1065 for the lower.

Now we are ready to consider the finite answer obtained by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001.

Fig. 2.32. A close-up of the picture of the planet Venus on an old French miniature. The complete title of this astronomical miniature was "Zodiac and the Planets," and it can be seen in its entirety on one of the preceding illustrations. We see Venus depicted as a woman in motion, with the inscription above her head saying "Venus." Taken from [1046], ill. 80.

5.4. Finite datings of the Egyptian Zodiacs based on their complete deciphering, as obtained by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001

Let us quote a part of our introduction to Chron3, Part 2.

Previous attempts at deciphering the "ancient" Egyptian Zodiacs - primarily, those of N. A. Moro-zov, N. S. Kellin, D. V. Denisenko and T. N. Fomenko - have all been partial, since some part of the zodiacal depictions remained unidentified. The complications they had to face are perfectly understandable, since to try out all possible permutations one would have to perform a gigantic amount of calculations impossible to do manually. The deciphering we obtained in 2001 was the first one to be completed, with an exhaustive computer search of every symbol on the zodiacs that was interpreted ambiguously. The singular complete deciphering possible was the only one that accounted for everything depicted on the zodiacs, and allowed for an astronomical solution to boot. This fact is extremely important. The very existence of such a complete and datable deciphering is anything but obvious. Furthermore, the astronomical solution that we have discovered is the only one possible. This makes our deciphering finite.

It turns out that the complete deciphering that we

Fig. 2.33. Ancient miniature titled "The Planet Venus" from the Livre des eches arnoureux. The planet Venus is depicted as a woman with the name Venus written above her head. Taken from [1046], ill. 71.

A close-up of a fragment of the previous picture of Venus. Taken from [1046], ill. 71.

performed includes the partial decipherings formerly offered by N. A. Morozov and T. N. Fomenko, but differs from them somewhat in details. These differences have the shape of circumstantiations in the complex situations where one had to choose between a great number of possible options. This concerns the differing symbols for the sun and the moon that the mediaeval astronomers used. All of the previously mentioned researchers did not perform a computer search, and based their choice on analysis of the "ancient"

Fig. 2.35. Picture of the Sun from a mediaeval book by Tesnierio dating from 1562. The symbol of the Sun - a disc with a dot in the centre - can be seen to the left of the baculus in Sun's hand. Taken from [1440], also see [543], page 71, ill. 31.

Fig. 2.36. Mediaeval picture of the Moon. Its astronomical symbol is a crescent. Illustration in the book by Tesnierio dated 1562 ([1440]). Here the crescent is also drawn on the head of the woman (the moon), but already in the shape of a pair of "horns." This is the manner in which Moses used to be portrayed in ancient Bibles - with "horns" on his head. As it is pointed out in Chron6, this means that the mediaeval painters would have had to be carrying on an ancient tradition of depicting the Biblical Moses with a crescent on his head. Taken from [1440]. Also see [543], page 71, ill. 32.

Fig. 2.36. Mediaeval picture of the Moon. Its astronomical symbol is a crescent. Illustration in the book by Tesnierio dated 1562 ([1440]). Here the crescent is also drawn on the head of the woman (the moon), but already in the shape of a pair of "horns." This is the manner in which Moses used to be portrayed in ancient Bibles - with "horns" on his head. As it is pointed out in Chron6, this means that the mediaeval painters would have had to be carrying on an ancient tradition of depicting the Biblical Moses with a crescent on his head. Taken from [1440]. Also see [543], page 71, ill. 32.

Egyptian symbols in general. Their interpretations weren't finite in a number of cases; therefore, the dates they obtained did not fit ideally. This explains the fact that the precise datings that we have obtained differ from the ones previously obtained by N. A. Morozov, N. S. Kellin, D. V. Denisenko and T. N. Fomenko; however, it is significant that all the exact dates remain mediaeval. It turns out that no finite astronomical solution for the Egyptian zodiac goes further back in time than the XII century a.d.

Let us re-emphasize that computer calculations allowed us to discover that the previous partial decipherings provided for the foundation of the finite complete interpretation of the zodiac, confirming that the research preceding ours was conducted in the correct general direction.

The computer datings we have obtained for the "ancient" Egyptian zodiacs are as follows:

• The Round Zodiac of Dendera: morning of 20 March 1185 a.d.

• The Long Zodiac of Dendera: 22-26 April 1168 a.d.

• The zodiac from the Greater Temple of Esna: 31 March - 3 April 1394 a.d.

• The zodiac from the Lesser Temple of Esna: 6-8 May 1404 a.d.

The Athribean horoscopes of Flinders Petrie:

• The Horoscope of Thebe by H. Brugsch:

- The horoscope of demotic subscripts: 18 November 1861 a.d.;

- The "Horoscope without Staves": 6-7 October 1841 a.d.;

- The "Horoscope with Boats": 15 February 1853 a.d.

• The "Colour Horoscope of Thebe" (Luxor): 5-8 September 1182.

This research of ours proved to include a great body of material, and was quite complex. It turned into an entire book that we include in Chron3.

5.5. On the errors of E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin

This could mark the end of our account of Egyptian zodiacs and their datings, if it wasn't for the publication of an article by E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin often quoted by the proponents of Scaligerian chronology. The article in question is titled "One More Study of the 'New Methods' and Ancient Chronology" and was published in Voprosy Istorii (Historical Issues), No. 12, 1983, pages 68-83 ([ 179]). The authors of the article tried to question the dating of the Round Zodiac as obtained by N. A. Morozov. It will be edifying to study the article of Goloubtsova and Zavenyagin, since it appears to be concerned primarily with using a computer for solving the problem, which makes the conclusions offered seem scientific and objective.

E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin write that "the complication lies in the fact that it is perfectly unclear which figure (of the five on the Round Zodiac) should stand for which planet." This is why they suggest considering the Zodiac to depict the following planets: Saturn, Venus, Mercury, Mars and Jupiter. However, the authors don't offer any proof for such an interpretation of the Zodiac ([179]). Furthermore, they cite the following table and suggest that the

Fig. 2.37. A fragment of a bas-relief located on the ceiling of the Great Dendera Temple, close to the entrance. Both discs are depicting the same celestial deity worshipped by surrounding figures. The first disc with an alectryon's eye is inscribed within a crescent. What we are seeing most probably represents the solar and the lunar symbols. The second disc with an alectryon's eye contains 14 identical glyphs that we presume to represent a half of the lunar month, namely, the interval between the new moon and the full moon. A 3D copy made by Napoleon's painters. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pi. 19.

Fig. 2.37. A fragment of a bas-relief located on the ceiling of the Great Dendera Temple, close to the entrance. Both discs are depicting the same celestial deity worshipped by surrounding figures. The first disc with an alectryon's eye is inscribed within a crescent. What we are seeing most probably represents the solar and the lunar symbols. The second disc with an alectryon's eye contains 14 identical glyphs that we presume to represent a half of the lunar month, namely, the interval between the new moon and the full moon. A 3D copy made by Napoleon's painters. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pi. 19.

Fig. 2.39. A close-up of a fragment of the bas-relief near the entrance to the Dendera Temple showing either the lunar or the solar disc with 14 glyphs inside. Most probably, the glyphs served to represent half of the lunar month - 14 days out of 28, or the period between the new moon and the full moon. The 14 figures are divided into 2 groups of 7, perhaps a pictorial representation of two seven-day weeks. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pi. 19.

Fig. 2.38. A close-up of a fragment of the bas-relief near the entrance to the Dendera Temple showing either the lunar or the solar disc inscribed within a crescent. Taken from [ 1100], A., Volume IV, pi. 19.

Fig. 2.39. A close-up of a fragment of the bas-relief near the entrance to the Dendera Temple showing either the lunar or the solar disc with 14 glyphs inside. Most probably, the glyphs served to represent half of the lunar month - 14 days out of 28, or the period between the new moon and the full moon. The 14 figures are divided into 2 groups of 7, perhaps a pictorial representation of two seven-day weeks. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pi. 19.

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